The cause and possible solutions for the conflicts between the Maasai and lions: a review

Abstract

Since the 21st century, the population of African lions has dramatically decreased, and human-lion conflict has become more severe over time. In recent years, the occurrence of multiple unnatural death incidents of lions has brought the Maasai people, the indigenous people of Africa who have close ties to lions, to the forefront. In order to examine the detailed influence of the Maasai culture on the human-lion relationship in the local community, this paper firstly sorts out relevant literature, introducing the Maasai cultural customs, economic situation, and the comprehensive attitude towards the development of tourism in detail. Then, this paper combines a large amount of literature, interview records, and relevant laws and regulations, comprehensively analyzing the causes of human-lion conflicts from three aspects: the Maasai people’s attitude toward the lions, lion behavioral analysis, and the measures and regulations of relevant departments and organizations. Finally, this paper systematically summarizes the causes for human-lion conflict and proposes potential solutions accordingly.

Keywords:  Maasai culture; African lions; lion conservation; wild animal conservation; human-lion relationship; human-lion conflict

The cause and possible solutions for the conflicts between the Maasai and lions: a review

African lion, scientifically known as Panthera leo, Carnivora, Felidae, Panthera genus, is a kind of big cat living in Africa. According to IUCN’s statistics and reports, the African lion is currently at a vulnerable status (Ikanda et al., 2023), and its population is continuously decreasing. The actual situation may be more severe than we presumed. The article named A 2025 Synthesis of Lion Numbers in Africa and Range States’ Capabilities to Conserve their Lion Populations, published on Lionaid, makes an estimation of approximately 13014 lions living in South and East Africa, while only 342 individuals currently inhabit West and Central Africa, where the population size has dramatically reduced. Among Africa’s 48 countries, 27 of them have already declared the wild lion extinct. And in 4 of the 22 countries where lions are thought to persist, local extinction is highly probable. In more than half of these countries, the lion population is considered endangered (Lionaid.org, 2025). In fact, numerical estimations can only provide a considerably superficial understanding of the survival pressure and the living conditions of lions. A comprehensive analysis from multiple aspects is required for a thorough assessment of their survival pressure.

Human expansion, along with the rapid development of economic, industrial, tourism, and other sectors, means the inevitable overlap with the wildlife habitats. Among all the anthropogenic factors, purposeful poaching is highly uncontrollable. Although the establishment of natural reserves and national parks, to some extent, provided safe zones for wildlife, high risks are still posed by poachers around the border areas of such reserves, where the regulation is loose. Other anthropogenic factors include retaliation killing and even trophy hunting practices in some areas.

Given the breadth of the anthropogenic factors and the wide range of stakeholders involved, excess energy and time will be consumed if an undifferentiated discussion is conducted. Categorizing stakeholders and conducting an in-depth investigation of one of the categories is arguably a more preferable and efficient approach. The East African Savannah, which is home to over 60% of the lion population (Kenya Wildlife Trust, 2019), represents the most critical and symbolic spot for the research in lion-human relationships. Within the Kenya–Tanzania context, the most prominent focal point of such relationships lies in the interactions between the Maasai people and lions. Consequently, this paper focuses on the Maasai traditions, customs, habits, and behavioral features, dialectically analyzing the complex relationship between the Maasai people and the lions.

Literature review: the Maasai culture

The Maasai, semi-nomadic tribes from East Africa, have a long history and rich cultural heritage. The correct spelling of their name should be “Maasai”, instead of “Masai” (facebook.com/thewildco, 2016). The latter is the misspell produced by the British colonists. “Maa” is the language spoken by the Maasai people. They are often recognized by their symbolic red attire, slender build, and extraordinary athletic capabilities. The Maasai were one of the dominant tribes in the early 20^th Century. They adhered consistently to their beliefs, their rules, and their traditions, year after year. Most of their history is not recorded; it was not until the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when British colonizers entered Kenya, that systematic records of them began to appear.

The Maasai people were described as courageous, fearless, and formidable people. The courage and endurance they exhibited during battles were outstanding. As Merker (1910) wrote, “Their entire yearning is directed towards war and murder, everything in them is pressuring in the direction of killing an enemy, and all non-Masai could be considered such.” Such a description may arguably be exaggerated or colored by personal bias, but it still showcases the Maasai’s strong martial spirit. To obtain optimal body condition in the face of battles with other tribes or with wild animals, the Maasai even took herbal stimulants to achieve a hyper-excitement state, enhancing endurance and courage (Lehmann & Mihalyi, 1982). The Maasai soldiers who took in such special herbal stimulants would enter a state known as

em boschona, which is characterized by extreme rage, excitement, and agitation; in extreme cases of overdose, symptoms like shaking, vomiting, and the flowing of saliva from the mouth would occur (Merker, 1910).

The Maasai’s history of taking herbal stimulants is primarily due to their culture’s emphasis on personal traits like bravery, strength, and combativeness. This cultural pursuit not only explains their historical use of herbal stimulants but also certain traditional customs, like lion hunting activities. The Maasai believe that hunting a male lion is a representation of strength and courage for a man reaching his manhood. This is a solemn and formal site of passage, known as olamayio (Goldman et al., 2013). During the hunting process, the first man who strikes the lion with his spear would be gifted with a “lion name”, being remembered and admired (Hazzah et al., 2017). Those who are gifted with this name will gain significant lifelong promotion in social status and authority. Consequently, lion hunting activities are respected and celebrated in traditional Maasai culture.

As mentioned previously, the Maasai are described as a semi-nomadic ethnic group (facebook.com/thewildco, 2016). This means their living style has a higher variety in comparison with the traditional nomadic ethnic groups. They graze cattle for a living. In the last 40 years, the Maasai have greatly developed agricultural production methods (McCabe et al.,2010). In fact, the history of agricultural production of the Maasai is much longer than we thought. Their livelihoods extend well beyond chasing cattle from one seasonal pasture to another. If our impression of them remains in “impoverished families living in primitive conditions”, then such stereotypes should be adjusted. Spear suggested that the Maasai have long been practicing an integrated agro-pastoral economy (SPEAR, 1993). According to the research from Ernestina Coast in 2002, from 1992 to 2002, the proportion of families that participated in agricultural cultivation in Kenya increased from 18.9% to 45.9%. In Tanzania, this proportion dramatically skyrocketed from 1.9% to 88.2% (Coast, 2002). These findings highlight the growing significance of agriculture in the Maasai’s livelihoods.

Nevertheless, by comparing the income distribution proportions of the Maasai households, we can still discover the importance of pastoralism as a major source of income. In Coast’s study, only the villagers from Endulen-Esere relied mainly on agriculture. Villagers from Irkeepus relied on both agriculture and pastoralism in a balanced way. In the rest of the surveyed villages, more than 60% of the villagers were engaged in pastoralism (Coast, 2002). More than 98% of the families own cattle. In Kenya and Tanzania, 90.1% and 98.8% of the adults, respectively, identify themselves as herders or agro-pastoralists (Coast, 2002).

In recent years, the tourism industry in Africa has developed quickly. How has tourism effected the Maasai? According to Coast, the Maasai people living near the tourist attractions did not directly benefit from tourism. People who devote full time into tourism occupies a very small proportion of the population (Coast, 2002). Nevertheless, as research from 23 years ago, the timeliness of this conclusion remains uncertain.  Evod Rimisho and Matai wrote in their paper published in 2024, suggesting that the large inflow of tourists and their purchases of souvenirs bring stable sources of income to the Maasai people. Furthermore, revenue gained from tourism is distributed to the wider Maasai community in a more organized and equal manner (Evod Rimisho & Matei, 2024). The specific statistics of income were not mentioned in their study. According to the Groom’s paper, published in 2007, income derived from wildlife (tourism and the donations from the Kenya Wildlife Service) accounted for only 3% of the average household income in Kenya (Groom, 2007).

What is worth noticing is that the Maasai people hold mixed attitudes toward the development and exploitation of tourism. In recent years, the overwhelming focus from tourism companies has turned the Maasai into “spectacles”. Their villages became tourist attractions. Their culture and traditions were even altered in favor of modern aesthetic values and preferences. A lot of Maasai people felt dissatisfied about this act of cultural appropriation and misuse, expressing resistance to the overdevelopment of tourism (Naomi Lanoi Leleto 2019). This research makes us contemplate the complex impact of tourism on the Maasai community.

The analysis of the different factors

The analysis of the causes of lion-human conflicts centers around three points: the attitude of the Maasai toward the lions, the behaviors of lions, and the regulations and actions of relevant organizations and departments.

The attitude of the Maasai people toward lions

The Maasai hold mixed emotions toward lions. Using words like aversion to describe their attitudes would be oversimplified and incomplete. Most of the Maasai people’s feelings toward lions are admiration and reverence. In a 2010 study, Goldman documented extensive interview records between the research team and the local Maasai residents. Most of the interviewees described lions as beautiful and awe-inspiring creatures, and suggested that they liked lions (Goldman et al.,2010).

“If a lion kills a cow, that’s because it’s hungry! Lions don’t just kill like elephants. (The elephants) kill for no reason because of their bad temper. The lion instead is very reasonable: it if kills a cow, it eats it so it makes it its food.” This is what an elderly said when being interviewed (Goldman et al., 2010). Actually, the Maasai’s attitudes toward lions are even better than those toward herbivores like elephants and zebras. Among the surveyed Maasai people, 30.2% of them thought lions are a “troublesome” species; 81.4% and 48.8% of them thought zebras and elephants are “troublesome” species, respectively (Goldman et al., 2010).

The lion hunting culture itself actually reflects the reverence of the Maasai people toward these beautiful big cats. Challenging the lions becomes the symbolism of capabilities and social status; this indirectly highlights the lion’s symbolic meaning and great importance in the Maasai culture. Just as Goldman stated in his paper, the sense of pride in killing a lion is connected with the beauty of lions (Goldman et al., 2010). The relationship between the Maasai and lions is considerably complicated.

In a 2017 study, Hazzah and his colleagues used mathematical modelling to predict the motivation of lion hunting. They used a logistic regression model to evaluate the accuracy of various factors in predicting the motivation of killing lions. The final result suggested that the most important factor for consideration is the Maasai people’s attitudes toward lions and their traditional culture (Hazzah et al., 2017). The formation of the Maasai people’s attitudes is closely connected with the level of access to education in local communities. In 2006, the primary school enrollment rate among the Kisongo Maasai in Tanzania was only 33%, which is only half of the average enrollment rate of Tanzania in the 1990s (Bonini, 2006). This figure indicates low level of education penetration in Maasai villages. According to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, the average literacy rate in Narok County across all age groups was 53% (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2011). Among all the female students who enter primary schools, only 15% of them enter middle school, and only 3.4% of them proceed to enter higher levels of schooling. Without the proper guidance of education, it is arguably difficult for the Maasai people to form appropriate conservation awareness. On the contrary, they are more likely to adhere to their traditional cultural norms, which regard lion hunting as a representation of bravery. These cultural norms become particularly inappropriate given the situation of the rapid decline of the wild lion population.

The behavioral analysis of lions and the results of their hunting

In a 2019 study, Ontiri and colleagues documented many semi-structured interview records with the local villagers. These interview records further indicate that the lion killing incidents are the results of retaliatory responses (Ontiri et al., 2019). Olamayio, the traditional lion hunting ceremony, has greatly declined due to cultural regulations and restrictions, remaining relatively prevailed only in Northern Tanzania and parts of Amboseli (Ontiri et al., 2019). The motivation for human-lion conflicts can be categorized as defense-killing intentions and social-killing intentions (Hazzah et al., 2017). The former can be described as the killings aimed at safeguarding cattle and villagers, which can either be the direct attack after witnessing lions in person or indirect retaliatory assaults. While the latter refers to the killing intentions caused by social or cultural perceptions. Most of the human-lion conflict incidents can be categorized as defense-killing events, given that Olamayio has gradually been abandoned by local communities. More specifically, most of the events can be categorized as retaliatory events. This is partly due to the timing for the hunting of lions, as 87% of lion attacks on cattle occur at dawn or dusk, when villagers are unlikely to sight the predation directly (Weise et al., 2020).

The research on lion behavior becomes especially vital under such conditions. Do lions exhibit preferences for the predation of domestic cows? Is the predation on cattle driven by the decrease in the population of wild herbivores? These questions determine the frequency of lion predation on domestic cattle, and, to a large extent, determine the overall likelihood of the occurrence of human-lion conflicts. In a 2020 study, Weise and colleagues used a statistical approach to estimate the predation preference of lions on domestic cows. The research shows that, from the aspect of spatial ecology, cows that are kept in enclosures are prioritized to be preyed upon; cows in enclosures suffer from predominantly higher rates of lion attacks compared to cows kept as free-ranging herds (Weise et al., 2020). With limited space inside the enclosure, the opportunity for escape is dramatically reduced, substantially increasing the chance of success hunting for lions, thereby explaining the apparent preference of lion for penned cattle. Strengthening fences could significantly reduce the probability of lion attacks, but the majority of the local households do not employ such strengthened enclosures (Weise et al., 2020). Additionally, in the mixed system of local domestic cattle and wildlife, lion prides exhibit a preference for wild animals instead of domestic animals, given that the two types of animals are both available. But in Botswana’s semi-arid, seasonally flooded communal grazing grasslands, the number of domestic cattle is constantly stable and abundant, inducing a behavioral shift of lions when migratory prey is rare (Weise et al., 2020). In the face of natural factors like seasonal droughts and the migration of herbivores, human-lion conflict can be exacerbated due to the increased attacks of lions on domestic animals.

Except natural conditions and predation advantages brought by enclosures, the domestication has resulted in morphological and behavioral adaptations of livestock, shaping their vulnerability to lion attacks. The ease of killing domestic cows in comparison to wild African buffalo increases the chance for a successful hunt for lions (Weise et al., 2020).

Lion attacks on livestock cause major economic loss. In a 2017 study, Muriuki and colleagues compared the predation impacts of lions and other predators. The results show that the total economic loss from cattle losses is 959,240.20 dollars, and lions accounted for 40.5% of the total loss, while hyenas and leopards accounted for 29.5% and 12.4% of the total loss, respectively (Muriuki et al., 2017). These figures indicate the major economic damage brought by lions, making the anger and rage of herders understandable and reasonable.

Retaliatory responses are not indiscriminate across carnivore species: during the periods with increased hyena and leopard attacks, the retaliatory killing for lions decreased noticeably (Ontiri et al., 2019). Although hyenas and leopards also cause economic loss, and sometimes even kill more cattle than lions, lions are still the major victims of retaliation (Muriuki et al., 2017). This is partly because of their behavioral differences: hyenas tend to avoid humans, and leopards are highly elusive, while lions tend to protect their food from humans, bringing them into direct conflicts with pastoralists (Muriuki et al., 2017). Additionally, the major target for lions is cows, while hyenas and leopards prefer smaller prey like goats or lambs. Cows symbolize social status and wealth in the Maasai culture, making the Maasai people more sensitive to the loss of cows and evoking stronger emotional responses (Kissui, 2008).

Regulations and measures from relevant departments

In response to the frequent incidents of lions attacking domestic cattle, authorities made relevant regulations about compensation and fines for cases of improper herding and grazing. Section 24 of Part V of Kenya’s Wildlife Conservation and Management Act mentions that: “The Government shall establish a Wildlife Compensation Scheme; The Wildlife Compensation Scheme shall be used for financing compensation claims for human death or injury or crop and property damage caused by wildlife (Wildlife Conservation and Management Act., n.d.).” This statement, from the government level, legally guarantees compensation for pastoralists’ livestock losses. Mbirikani Predator Compensation Fund (MPCF), founded in 2003, is a conservation non-government organization that accepts claims of livestock losses from pastoralists. However, the claim requirements are strict: only registered members are eligible; claims should be reported within 24 hours of predation; proofs (carcasses, footprints, drag marks, etc.) should be provided (Maclennan et al., 2009). Such requirements are rigorous, minimizing the possibility of made-up claims. However, due to the limited time for the report, the pastoralists may not be able to collect and provide relevant evidence in time.

Mbirikani Predator Compensation Fund (MPCF) not only accepts claims but also fines pastoralists who conduct improper grazing practices. Nevertheless, penalties did not reduce improper grazing practices. Instead, some pastoralists even intentionally neglect physically vulnerable livestock, allowing them to be preyed upon by predators in order to claim compensation (Muriuki et al., 2017). Mbirikani Predator Compensation Fund (MPCF) is only one of the examples of animal conservation organizations, but it highlights some key issues: despite the establishment of compensation and penalty policies, the overall effectiveness of these policies on lion conservation is limited due to the shortcomings and unreasonableness of these policies, and the opportunistic practices by pastoralists.

In addition, the local government’s legislation on the killing of wildlife is also worth noting. Sections 77 and 78 of Part IX of Kenya’s Wildlife Conservation and Management Act state that: “Any authorised officer of the Service may, with the consent of the owner or occupier in respect of private land, where it is necessary for the purpose, go onto any land to destroy any animal which has been deemed a problem animal; provided that where the animal is a dangerous animal which has been previously wounded or otherwise injured so as to make it a potential source of danger to human life, the officer may follow such animal with the intention of killing it on any land notwithstanding that the prior consent of the owner or occupier of the land has not been obtained; provided that nothing in this section shall authorize the killing of a problem animal in a protected area, or the use of any poison, pitfall or snare for the killing of any such animal  (Wildlife Conservation and Management Act., n.d.).” Prioritizing human life and property is a reasonable and wise decision, and these two sections strictly prohibit the killing of animals inside any natural reserve or national park. However, this act does not provide details about the specific definition of “problem animals” and “dangerous animals”. This ambiguity may pose a potential threat to wild animals that are neither problematic nor dangerous.

Lastly, the management of local authorities could sometimes cause public dissatisfaction. For instance, in 1961, the Kajiado County Council assumed control of Amboseli Game Reserve. However, their lack of actual management knowledge of natural reserves led to an array of corruption and fraud incidents, causing the local pastoralists to complain about gaining no benefit from the reserve (Muriuki et al., 2017).

Discussion and possible solutions

The causes of the human-lion conflicts between the Maasai people and lions can be attributed to the following interrelated aspects:

1. Although the Maasai people hold respect and reverence toward lions, limited educational resource prevents them from correctly recognizing the proper way of dealing with human-animal relationships, and leads them to adhere more to their traditional values and practices, which are considered somewhat inappropriate. Like olamayio.
2. The high dependence on pastoralism of the Maasai households and the limited economic effects of tourism on the Maasai community cause widespread economic dilemmas, making them highly sensitive to cattle losses.
3. Natural factors like seasonal droughts lead to instability of the population of wild herbivores available, inevitably causing lions to target domestic animals.
4. Human factors, like non-reinforced enclosures and the adaptations of livestock caused by domestication, make domestic animals more vulnerable to the attack of lions.
5. Lions’ instinctive food-guarding behaviors have a relatively poor ability to conceal, make them directly face conflicts.
6. The unreasonableness and ambiguity of relevant policies and measures, and the implementation of inappropriate management approaches, limit their effectiveness in lion conservation.

Correspondingly, possible solutions to resolve conflict include:

1. The attitude of the Maasai people toward lions is especially essential. Increasing investment in education to increase the average literacy rate and improve education penetration would be useful in improving the average attitude of the Maasai people toward lions. Additionally, applying powerful cultural values, using traditional mitigation mechanisms to reduce conflicts, and authorizing soldiers to participate in lion monitoring and conservation to improve their impression of lions can reduce the probability of lion killing by 99% (Hazzah et al., 2017).
2. Improve the compensation and penalty mechanisms. Simplify and streamline the compensation process; increase the amount of compensation to reduce the economic loss caused by livestock loss; increase the penalty amount to serve as an effective deterrent.
3.   Specify the definition for “problem animals” and “dangerous animals” to avoid misinterpretation and unnecessary killing.
4. Increase the share of tourism revenue to the Maasai community; firmly oppose cultural appropriation and misuse; and gain support and recognition from the Maasai people for the development of tourism.
5. Employ reinforced enclosures or adopt free-range grazing systems to avoid the predation preference of lion prides.

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